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The GAA Claim They Are Non Political Organization And Don't Support Terrorism
Well Here Is Evidence They Are And Do
Listed below are some grounds and competitions owned and run by GAA that are named after murders and international terrorists
Kevin Lynch
The GAA hurling club in Dungiven, Co Londonderry, is named after INLA member and former player Lynch.
He was the seventh of the 10 hunger strikers to die in 1981, after being sentenced to 10 years for stealing shotguns and conspiring to disarm the security forces. Lynch was captain of the 1972 All-Ireland-winning under-16 Derry team.
Joe Cahill
An under-12s football contest is played at Cardinal O’Donnell Park, west Belfast, in honour of the IRA veteran who died in 2004.
Cahill joined the IRA aged 18 and was convicted for his part in killing Catholic cop and dad-of-ten, Patrick Murphy, in 1942. He also was a key figure in founding the Provisional IRA in 1969.
Bobby Sands
The Cumann na Fuiseoige GAA club honours IRA hunger striker Sands, who grew up near its base in Twinbrook, west Belfast.
The club’s badge shows a lark, barb wire and a capital ‘H’ representing the H-block in the Maze prison where Sands — who was convicted of arms offences — was the first IRA hunger striker to die.
There is also a Bobby Sands Memorial soccer cup contest, held during the Feile an Phobail festival in west Belfast.
Mairead Farrell
A girls’ camogie championship played in Tullysaran, Co Armagh,
was named after IRA woman Farrell.
She spent 10 years in jail for bombing the Conway Hotel, Dunmurry, and was killed by the SAS in Gibraltar with fellow IRA members Sean Savage and Daniel McCann in 1988 with whom she allegedly planned to bomb an Army band.
Martin Hurson
A commemorative Martin Hurson Memorial cup final is played every year at Galbally Pearses Football Field near Dungannon in Co Tyrone.
The fifth of the H-block hunger strikers to die, Hurson was arrested in 1976 and quizzed over the attempted murder of UDR soldiers in a bomb attack.
The charge was dropped but he was convicted in relation to several other charges.
Michael McVerry
The first member of the IRA in south Armagh to be killed in the Troubles, McVerry was shot by soldiers in 1973 after placing a 100lb bomb at Keady RUC station, helped by five men who fought a running battle with cops after the device exploded.
The Michael McVerry cup is played for in Cullyhanna, Co Armagh, each year.
Gerard and Martin Harte
These East Tyrone IRA brothers were killed in a carefully-planned SAS ambush at Drumnakilly in 1988. Many branded it revenge for the Ballygawley bus attack 10 days earlier, which killed eight soldiers and injured 27 others.
Palyed at Loughmacrory, the Gerard and Martin Harte Memorial cup is now one of Tyrone's foremost under-12 Gaelic football tournaments.
Louis Leonard Memorial Park
The ground in Donagh, Fermanagh, was named after IRA man Louis, who was killed by loyalists in 1972 while working late in his shop in the village of Derrylin.
Loughgall bomber Paddy Kelly
The Paddy Kelly cup was played in Dungannon, Co Tyrone as part of commemorations for the IRA Loughgall “martyrs”. A heavily-armed IRA unit including Kelly and O’Callaghan was trying to blow up a part-time police station in Loughgall, Co Tyrone, with a 200lb bomb when they were gunned down by the SAS.
McDonnell/Doherty Park
The home ground of the St Teresas GAA club in west Belfast is named after hunger strikers and former players Joe McDonnell and Kieran Doherty.
McDonnell had been arrested in 1976 with Bobby Sands following a bomb attack on a furniture store in Dunmurry and Doherty was convicted for possession of firearms, explosives and hijacking.
Jim Lochrie and Sean
Campbell
Lochrie/Campbell GAA Park in Dromintee, south Armagh is named after IRA members Jim Lochrie and Sean Campbell who were killed when a land mine exploded prematurely at Kelly's Road, Killeen in 1975.
Sports minister (middle) meets with Gaa (left) and PSNI (right)
The facts behind how Martin McGuinness could become First Minister
Under the Belfast Agreement the First Minister and deputy First Minister were elected jointly on a cross-community vote, thus affording Unionism and Nationalism a veto, whereby Unionists could insist on the First Minister coming from the biggest tradition.
The legislation flowing from St Andrews changed this and provided that instead the First Minister would come from the biggest party, thus opening the door to a Sinn Fein First Minister being foisted on a Unionist majority in the Assembly. The Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Bill was only introduced by the government after its contents were settled at secret proximity talks between the DUP and Sinn Fein in London in November 2006, talks from which any possible dissenters within the DUP were excluded.
Peter Robinson’s fingerprints are all over this legislative change because he thought it would be terribly clever to have the threat of a Sinn Fein First Minister as a means of coercing unionists into voting DUP. But, the real test of the DUP’s attitude to this dastardly change is found in what they said and did when Parliament debated the Bill.
Jim Allister, then a DUP Party Officer, had exposed the danger with this statement on 17 November 2006:
MEP comments on St. Andrews Bill
www.jimallister.org/default.asp?blogID=541
Comment from DUP MEP Jim Allister on the St. Andrews Bill 17 November 2006
"The St Andrews Bill contains a political bombshell for Unionism. Bad as it was, the Belfast Agreement, at least, guaranteed that a unionist majority in the Assembly would always result in a Unionist First Minister. This Bill (Clause 8) changes that. It now affords the prize of the top office to the Party with the most seats. Thus, in future, we could have a Sinn Fein First Minister, in spite of a Unionist majority in the House, if they were the party with the greatest number of seats.
This is monstrous and a gross affront to democracy. I cannot comprehend how any Unionist could, in consequence, regard this Bill, quite apart from its other deficiencies, as a suitable route to acceptable devolution. The ticking time bomb of a Sinn Fein First Minister being foisted on a Unionist Assembly, is something which should unite every Unionist in opposition. I trust it will.”
Sadly, when the Bill came before Parliament not one DUP MP spoke out against this change. Here are the facts:-
1. Debate in the Commons on 21st November 2006 was deliberately curtailed by a business motion which restricted debate to 6 hours. This business motion was nodded through with no objection from the DUP.
2. There was an opportunity to force a vote on the Bill at the end of the 2nd reading, but the DUP did not do so. Moreover, though several DUP MPs spoke during the 2nd reading debate not one of them uttered even one word of objection to the change over the First Ministership!
3. Likewise, after the committee stage the Bill was given its 3rd reading on the nod, again without a single DUP objection. There was ample opportunity to force a vote against the Bill, given its inclusion of this obnoxious change within Clause 8, but the opportunity deliberately was not taken. Why? Because clearly the DUP MPs were content with the change.
4. In preparation for the committee stage MPs had the opportunity to table amendments to each and every clause, but no DUP MP tabled any amendment to the infamous Clause 8, signifying their contentment with its contents.
5. When the Bill went to the House of Lords on 22nd November 2006 an UUP amendment to remove the provision whereby the First Minister would come from the biggest party was debated and voted upon. Whereas two DUP peers, Lords Morrow and Browne (Baroness Paisley absent) voted in favour of the amendment, when that vote was lost and the original and objectionable Clause 8 was voted upon, the DUP peers voted in favour of it, while UUP peers voted against. Thus, in the House of Lords DUP peers actually voted in favour of the Clause in the Bill which permits Martin McGuinness to become First Minister!
So, it is crystal clear that the DUP was complicit in permitting the legislative change which allows McGuinness to be foisted as First Minister on a Unionist majority in the Assembly. How the DUP sold the Unionist title deeds to the office of First Minister is one of the most shameful escapades of roll-over unionism.
So, when in a future election the DUP tries to play the fear card over their partner becoming First Minister, their hypocrisy will be vigorously exposed and they will be reminded that they were complicit and desirous of this appalling change. There is no point in pretending outrage over McGuinness switching into Peter's seat, when it was Peter himself which thought this change in the law so politically expedient.
But this issue throws up questions the DUP must answer. Not just the question, every time the DUP raises the spectre, of why not one of their MPs voted against it, but will they serve under McGuinness? Is their love of power, any power, so great that they will subject themselves and Unionism to such humiliation? Principle will never save us from the DUP propping up IRA/Sinn
2010
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